The former US second-in-command Dick Cheney, who died at the age of 84, was regarded as arguably the most powerful holders of that position in US history. Although numerous vice-presidents were limited to minor or symbolic functions, Cheney held substantial power during the presidency of George W Bush, so much so that he was commonly described as the "actual president".
Bush resented this portrayal and stated the relationship was more nuanced. He pointed out that Cheney was respectful, invariably addressing him in public settings as the President, while he called him as Dick. Bush disputed even characterisations of their partnership as a team because it suggested that they were on equal footing. Regardless of these objections, Cheney found the relaxed president accommodating on a broad range of governmental choices.
The Post-9/11 Era
In charge of a contingent of conservative hawks that encompassed defence secretary Donald Rumsfeld and deputy defence secretary Paul Wolfowitz, he vigorously promoted the military intervention of Iraq in 2003 in answer to the September 11th attacks on New York and Washington. During of the 9/11 assault, Bush had been attending a gathering at a educational institution in Florida. While Bush traveled to a underground facility in Nebraska, Cheney took command, commanding the downing of any unresponsive aircraft heading toward the US Capitol.
Cheney stated the strikes transformed him, causing him to be focused on retribution. In conjunction with other neo-cons, like Rumsfeld and Wolfowitz, he campaigned for a takeover of Afghanistan in an endeavor to seize Osama bin Laden. Cheney then strongly advocated for the armed intervention of Iraq, even though there was little proof of Saddam Hussein playing a role.
Disputed Policies
He expressed no regrets about the military campaign, in which an estimated 100,000 Iraqis died, nor about the harsh treatment of suspects apprehended after 9/11. He told CNN in 2015 that the Iraq military action, which was founded on inaccurate information echoed by Cheney, was the proper path to take. "It was the proper decision to do back then. I believed it then and I hold that view presently."
Yet during that period, there were contrary opinions at a senior level about the poor management of Iraq. One of the government's own representatives to the area, General Anthony Zinni (2001-03), was not reappointed from the role. "I witnessed, at the very least," he subsequently stated "obvious failure, negligence, and irresponsibility: in the worst case, deception, incompetence, and corruption."
Additional Factors
Cheney was not entirely to blame for the Iraq campaign. Even before 9/11, Wolfowitz had called for such action. He had composed a memorandum setting out scenarios in which national priorities might be compromised (featuring "access to essential resources, primarily Persian Gulf oil"). Wolfowitz had asserted that "the United States should be postured to act independently when joint efforts cannot be arranged," particularly mentioning armed actions against Iraq.
Bush also had arrived in the White House somewhat determined on executing what his father had specifically avoided to do in 1991; remove Saddam. Subsequent to he had been sacked by the president, the finance chief Paul O'Neill disclosed how, at the opening session of the National Security Council in January 2001, Bush had stated his intention of lowering America's participation in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict and proposed military action against Iraq.
Bush bore a private grievance against Saddam, believing he had been involved in a conspiracy to murder his father, President George HW Bush, on a journey to Kuwait in 1993. He additionally objected to that one of the most prominent hotels in Baghdad had a surface artwork with a image of his predecessor's countenance that all visitors had to step on.
Investigation Approaches
But it was Cheney who was one of the most vehement supporting invading Iraq, frequently quoting agency briefings that were either weak or totally deceptive. He supported what the Bush administration euphemistically referred to as "enhanced interrogation", the application of simulated drowning and harsh treatment.
Answering a Senate report in 2014 that found that no valuable data had been obtained through the harsh techniques, Cheney rejected the conclusions as "full of crap". He told Fox News: "We asked [the CIA] to take steps and create procedures to capture the perpetrators who killed 3,000 of us on 9/11 and guarantee it would not recur. That is precisely what they did and they merit a lot of praise."
Public Persona
Cheney took pleasure in nicknames imposed on him by detractors such as the Star Wars villain and the sinister presence, and by the idea that he was a shadow power controlling Bush. In the author's 2013 volume about the two, Days of Fire: Bush and Cheney in the White House, Cheney is cited as commenting: "Am I the malevolent mastermind in the corner that nobody ever sees leave his lair? That is a effective way to operate, truthfully."
Business Interests
Debate over his corporate affiliations accompanied him during his tenure as second-in-command. Even though he had limited background in corporate affairs but established relationships in security, particularly in Saudi Arabia, he was invited to join Halliburton, one of the world's biggest oil and gas conglomerates, in 1995 as chairman and chief executive.
In 2000 he became Bush's election partner for the presidency. Controversially, during the military campaign, Halliburton was granted US agreements worth multiple billions.
It significantly boosted his finances. His annual income during his time at the corporation grew from his $258,394 when he was Pentagon chief to $4.4m. When he left in 2000 he had a compensation package worth over $20m|twenty
